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ERIC Number: ED521768
Record Type: Non-Journal
Publication Date: 2010
Pages: 273
Abstractor: As Provided
Reference Count: 0
ISBN: ISBN-978-1-1242-7843-8
The Minimalist Syntax of Control in Greek
Kapetangianni, Konstantia
ProQuest LLC, Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Michigan
This dissertation investigates Control phenomena in three distinct domains of the grammar of Modem Greek (subjunctive complements, "V-ondas" adjuncts and ke-complements) and proposes a unifying syntactic account of Control by appealing to the tense properties of these domains. I argue that Control in Greek is best analyzed as an instance of A-movement of the DP-subject from an embedded clause to a higher one, building upon formal aspects of a movement approach to Control (O' Neil 1997; Hornstein 1999 "et seq."). I demonstrate specifically that the major syntactic domains which show Control in Greek although distinct with respect to morphological agreement, share an underlying grammatical property, i.e. they all lack semantic tense. I show that, due to the tense deficiency of these domains, case valuation is not available within them, therefore the DP subject moves out to a higher clause to have its case valued. Conversely, I argue that the subclasses of Greek subordination domains exhibiting Non-Control properties show evidence of presence of semantic tense. Therefore the nominative case of a DP can be valued, resulting in licensing of lexical subjects or non-control pro. Hence, I provide evidence that (un)availability of Case depends on semantic Tense and not on Agreement, i.e. phi- features (cf. Chomsky 1995 "et seq."). Additionally, the proposed analysis suggests that Mood or the categorical status of a domain (being a CP or a phase as in Chomsky 2001) is not the determining factor for (dis)-allowing movement but rather the transparency of a domain to movement depends on its featural composition with respect to the [+/-] T feature on the I and C heads, in the case of Greek. Finally, this dissertation relates syntactic theory and experimental psycholinguistics by testing in a Picture Verification experiment with Greek adults the proposed theoretical distinctions regarding tense and Control in Greek subjunctives. The experimental findings show that adults have no restriction in assigning a disjoint interpretation in Non-Control subjunctives when provided with an appropriate discourse context, providing an alternative to Goodluck, Terzi and Chocano Diaz (2001)'s arguments that Greek adults show a general preference for coreference in Non-Control subjunctives. [The dissertation citations contained here are published with the permission of ProQuest LLC. Further reproduction is prohibited without permission. Copies of dissertations may be obtained by Telephone (800) 1-800-521-0600. Web page:]
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Publication Type: Dissertations/Theses - Doctoral Dissertations
Education Level: N/A
Audience: N/A
Language: English
Sponsor: N/A
Authoring Institution: N/A