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ERIC Number: ED512972
Record Type: Non-Journal
Publication Date: 2009
Pages: 172
Abstractor: As Provided
Reference Count: 0
ISBN: ISBN-978-1-1092-8998-5
ISSN: N/A
Biconditional Prominence Correlation
Teeple, David Allan
ProQuest LLC, Ph.D. Dissertation, University of California, Santa Cruz
This dissertation presents one solution to a problem in phonological typology, which is to explain the apparent cross-linguistic absence of a pattern I call "Strong-Position Neutralization" (or SPN): neutralization of a contrast in a strong position while the same contrast is maintained in the corresponding weak position. This is predicted in a theory with constraints that demand augmentation: the association of a salient phonetic property with a strong position, such as stressed syllables. But SPN never seems to happen, despite the fact that augmentation does. My theory accounts for both the possibility of augmentation, and for its inability to neutralize a contrast. The theory involves two components. The first component is the claim that the constraints that correlate metrically prominent positions with salient phonetic properties are formulated as biconditionals, which means that they make equal and opposite demands of opposing strong and weak positions, giving greater salience to the strong and depriving it of the weak. I refer to such constraints as "Prominence Correlation" constraints, an example of which might be stated, "If and only if a syllable is stressed, it has a long vowel". In order to fully satisfy this constraint, it is not enough to make all stressed vowels long; it is also necessary to shorten unstressed long vowels. The second component involves the assumption that the ranking of positional faithfulness constraints relative to general faithfulness constraints will usually emerge in a particular order. For any given feature under correspondence, all positional faithfulness constraints will outrank all general. For example, DEP-[mu]/[Special characters omitted], "Don't add moras to stressed syllables," will outrank MAX-[mu], "Don't remove moras," despite the fact that they govern different kinds of correspondence: both govern correspondence for the same feature (moraicity), and the positional constraint outranks the general. Together, these two components eliminate SPN as a prediction, because: (1) No constraint demands augmentation exclusively; and (2) Strong positions will generally be at least as good at maintaining contrasts as weak positions, due to the availability of cue-bolstering prominence correlates in strong positions. [The dissertation citations contained here are published with the permission of ProQuest LLC. Further reproduction is prohibited without permission. Copies of dissertations may be obtained by Telephone (800) 1-800-521-0600. Web page: http://www.proquest.com/en-US/products/dissertations/individuals.shtml.]
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Publication Type: Dissertations/Theses - Doctoral Dissertations
Education Level: N/A
Audience: N/A
Language: English
Sponsor: N/A
Authoring Institution: N/A