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Descriptors:
Stakeholders; Policy Formation; Unions; Foreign Countries; Public Policy; Part Time Employment; Student Employment; Interviews; Administrative Principles; Student Problems; Social Problems; Employer Attitudes; Performance Factors; Strategic Planning; Employment Practices; Labor Legislation

Abstract:
This paper uses data from interviews with representatives of national and state organisations that have a policy interest in student-working in Australia. The interviewees included representatives from employer bodies and trade unions as well as government organisations. The data are used to discuss these stakeholders' perceptions of the main advantages and disadvantages of working by young full-time students and the ways in which organisations in the business and educational sectors have adapted their policies and practices for student-working. The analysis is then used to inform a discussion about whether this is a legitimate area for public policy formulation and if so, what principles might underpin such policy and what some policies might look like. (Contains 3 tables and 1 note.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Labor Legislation; Employment Patterns; Labor; Labor Market; Minimum Wage; Equal Opportunities (Jobs); Economic Change; Employees; Surveys; Sampling; Role; Correlation; Industry; Salaries; Guidelines; Compliance (Legal); Competition; Costs

Abstract:
Despite three decades of scholarship on economic restructuring in the United States, employers' violations of minimum wage, overtime and other workplace laws remain understudied. This article begins to fill the gap by presenting evidence from a large-scale, original worker survey that draws on recent advances in sampling methodology to reach vulnerable workers. Our findings suggest that in America's three largest cities, violations of employment and labor laws are pervasive across low-wage industries and occupations, affecting a wide range of workers. But while worker characteristics are correlated with violations, job and employer characteristics play the stronger role, including industry, occupation and measures of informality and nonstandard work. We therefore propose a framework in which employers' noncompliance with labor regulations is one axis of a competitive strategy based on labor cost reduction, contributing to the reorganization of work and production in the 21st century labor market. Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Public Health; Living Standards; Unions; Collective Bargaining; Labor Legislation; Employees; Economic Research; Social Indicators; Productivity; Poverty; Economic Impact; Personnel Policy; Policy Analysis; Policy Formation; Public Policy; Employer Employee Relationship; State Policy; Data Analysis; Statistical Data; Census Figures; Labor Relations

Abstract:
On February 1, 2012, Indiana Governor Mitch Daniels signed a "right to work" (RTW) provision in the state's labor laws, making Indiana the 23rd RTW state in the nation. In addition to becoming the 23rd RTW state in the nation, Indiana is the first in more than a decade to pass a law undermining the ability of unions to organize and represent their members. In RTW states, unions are prohibited from including "union security clauses" in their contracts, which are those clauses that require all employees in the bargaining unit to either join the union or pay a portion of its dues as a condition of employment. Thus, RTW laws are generally believed to weaken unions. Worker-friendly states (those states without RTW laws), on the other hand, allow provisions for the union to be the exclusive bargaining agent for those workers who are eligible for membership, and also require all eligible employees to pay at least a portion of the union dues. Supporters of RTW have cited a number of reasons for enacting such laws, but mostly they rely on non-existent research and false conclusions. There are several non-economic reasons for people to support RTW laws. But the question of whether RTW laws benefit a state economically has remained largely unanswered. In this paper, using the most recent data available from the U.S. Census, the BLS, the Bureau of Economic Analysis, and other public sources, the author has analyzed a spectrum of seven measures for standard of living, and determined whether there are differences in these measures between the 22 RTW states (not including Indiana, which joined them after this data was collected) and the 28 worker-friendly states (including Indiana). (Contains 4 tables and 26 endnotes.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Disabilities; Labor Force Development; Accessibility (for Disabled); Educational History; Educational Legislation; Labor Legislation; Vocational Rehabilitation; Policy Analysis; Delivery Systems; Best Practices; Change Strategies; Literature Reviews; Position Papers; Employment Potential; Community Based Instruction (Disabilities)

Abstract:
Individuals with disabilities have lower rates of workforce participation and lower earnings than their nondisabled peers. This article traces the history of the U.S. workforce development policy framework, including the Workforce Investment Act of 1998; the Rehabilitation Act of 1973, as amended; and the impact of the Ticket to Work and Work Incentives Improvement Act of 1999 on both of these policies. Reviewing literature and administrative data, we discuss how these policies have impacted current rehabilitation practice and identify remaining service delivery gaps. We conclude with a set of recommendations for enhancing the current workforce development policy and practice environment. (Contains 6 endnotes and 4 tables.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Mothers; Elementary Secondary Education; Labor Legislation; Interests; Child Labor; Educational Quality; Educational Change; Teacher Associations; Parents; Teachers; Parent Associations; Parent Teacher Cooperation; Partnerships in Education; Child Advocacy; Public Education

Abstract:
The organization that claims to represent the voice and interests of K-12 students and their parents is the Parent Teacher Association, widely known as the PTA. The organization aims to provide "parents and families with a powerful voice to speak on behalf of every child while providing the best tools for parents to help their children be successful students." Founded in 1897 as the National Congress of Mothers, the PTA declared that it was "up to the mothers of the country to eliminate threats that endangered children." Today, its goal is a "quality education and nurturing environment for every child." The PTA has worked to advance social changes that improved the lives of young people, including championing the creation of child labor laws, reorganizing the juvenile justice system, and improving a variety of children's services. But today, its orientation to K-12 issues is most aptly described by education analyst Charlene Haar as an "echo...of the teachers unions." Among today's advocates for young people are nonprofit insurgent groups that challenge the education establishment by organizing, educating, and mobilizing parents in a variety of roles and in different ways, empowering them to engage in K-12 reform efforts. This organizing generates collective, durable power that advances the interests of K-12 education consumers--especially parents--rather than education producers. These advocacy groups empower parents to make their voices and choices a primary catalyst of school reform. Unlike the PTA, Parent Revolution, Education Reform Now, and Stand for Children are insurgent organizations that exist to challenge the conventional power arrangements of the K-12 public education system, organizing parents at the grassroots level to advance a school reform agenda. Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Descriptors:
Evidence; Collective Bargaining; Democratic Values; Unions; Labor Legislation; Labor Relations; Politics of Education; Political Attitudes; Teaching (Occupation); Teachers; Criticism; Tenure; Elementary Secondary Education; Teacher Employment Benefits; Teacher Effectiveness; Educational Improvement

Abstract:
Teachers' unions are under unprecedented bipartisan attack. The drumbeat is relentless, from governors in Wisconsin and Ohio to the film directors of "Waiting for 'Superman'" and "The Lottery"; from new lobbying groups like Michelle Rhee's StudentsFirst and Wall Street's Democrats for Education Reform to political columnists such as Jonathan Alter and George Will; from new books like political scientist Terry Moe's "Special Interest" and entrepreneurial writer Steven Brill's "Class Warfare" to even, at times, members of the Obama administration. The consistent message is that teachers' unions are the central impediment to educational progress in the United States. Part of the assault is unsurprising given its partisan origins. Republicans have long been critical, going back to at least 1996. What is new and particularly disturbing is that partisan Republicans are now joined by many liberals and Democrats in attacking teachers' unions. The critics' contentions, which the author sums up as collective bargaining and teachers' unions being undemocratic and bad for schoolchildren, have no real empirical support. Democratic societies throughout the world recognize the basic right of employees to band together to pursue their interests and secure a decent standard of living, whether in the private or public sector. Collective bargaining is important in a democracy, not only to advance individual interests, but to give unions the power to serve as a countervailing force against big business and big government. Moreover, there is no strong evidence that unions reduce overall educational outcomes or are at "the heart" of the education problems. The author contends that if collective bargaining were really a terrible practice for education, people would see stellar results in the grand experiments without it: the American South and the charter school arena. (Contains 25 endnotes and 1 footnote.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Descriptors:
Immigrants; Agriculture; Agricultural Laborers; Foreign Countries; Mexicans; Immigration; Agricultural Occupations; Agricultural Skills; Foreign Policy; Labor Legislation; Labor Problems; Agribusiness; Political Influences; Economic Change; Economic Impact; Unskilled Workers; Employer Employee Relationship; Activism

Abstract:
During the interwar period, California's labor-intensive agriculture transitioned from reliance on diverse immigrants to preference for Mexicans. Political movements to restrict immigration, the Great Depression, and labor unrest compelled farm employers to search for labor that could be used flexibly and deported easily. To achieve this objective, the growers needed a central organization that could foster unity and articulate their collective interest. The formation of the California Farm Bureau Federation and the American Farm Bureau Federation in 1919 and 1920 provided such a political platform. When lawmakers sought to apply the quota provision of the Immigration Act of 1924 to Mexico, the growers' strong presence at congressional hearings demonstrated their rising influence in policy making. Moreover, the clear difference between Filipinos and Mexicans with respect to deportability during the Depression affirmed the flexibility of Mexican labor. Finally, at the height of labor unrest in the 1930s, the American Farm Bureau leadership called for agricultural class consciousness to strengthen unity and maintain dominance over the striking workers. The development of grower organizations in this era set the stage for California agriculture's almost exclusive dependence on flexible Mexican labor in the ensuing decades. (Contains 10 notes.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Descriptors:
Teaching (Occupation); Foreign Countries; Educational Status Comparison; Status; Professional Recognition; Elementary School Teachers; Secondary School Teachers; Educational Legislation; Labor Legislation; Tenure; Professional Education; Teacher Employment Benefits; Improvement Programs

Abstract:
In the Year of the Schoolteacher, the issue of how to enhance the pedagogical worker's status takes on special urgency. Unfortunately, the problem has been addressed only on the regional level, with each region doing things its own way. The teaching profession in Russia is hampered by poor prestige, low incomes, and inadequate resources and living conditions. Attempts to improve the situation are in progress in some parts of the country, but much more needs to be done if Russian education is to be raised to a higher level. Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Descriptors:
Evidence; Industry; Labor Legislation; Child Labor; Education Work Relationship; Compulsory Education; Free Enterprise System

Abstract:
We find that over the period 1950-1990, US states absorbed increases in the supply of schooling due to tighter compulsory schooling and child labor laws mostly through within-industry increases in the schooling intensity of production. Shifts in the industry composition towards more schooling-intensive industries played a less important role. To try and understand this finding theoretically, we consider a free trade model with two goods/industries, two skill types, and many regions that produce a fixed range of differentiated varieties of the same goods. We find that a calibrated version of the model can account for shifts in schooling supply being mostly absorbed through within-industry increases in the schooling intensity of production even if the elasticity of substitution between varieties is substantially higher than estimates in the literature. Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Extracurricular Activities; Play; Employees; Team Sports; College Athletics; Labor Legislation; Athletes; Compensation (Remuneration); Court Litigation

Abstract:
Is playing big-time college sports an extracurricular activity or a job? Two law professors at Michigan State University, Robert and Amy McCormick, think it is definitely a job for football and basketball players on athletic scholarships at Division I schools. The married couple has added a new dimension to the long debate over paying athletes by arguing they are "employees" under federal labor laws and entitled to form unions and negotiate wages, hours and working conditions. The NCAA, in accordance with courts that have addressed the issue, believes that student-athletes are not employees, under the law, and that they should not be treated as employees either by the law or by the schools they attend. Moreover, taxing authorities do not consider the benefits student athletes receive to be taxable compensation. In an article in the Washington Law Review, the McCormicks analyze whether Division I football and basketball players are really employees under common law and the National Labor Relations Board's (NLRB) 2004 decision that graduate assistants at Brown University were students, not employees. Common law has three tests: (1) the right of others to control a person's activities; (2) whether that person is compensated; and (3) if that person is economically dependent on that compensation. The law professors find that college athletes meet all three because a coach has much control over what they do, an athletic scholarship amounts to compensation and players depend on those funds for food and shelter as well as schooling. In their analysis of the Brown University decision, the McCormicks conclude the status of athletes differs from graduate assistants'. The professors say athletes are not primarily engaged in learning, play sports unrelated to their course of study and fall under the supervision of coaches rather than faculty members. The McCormicks dispute the NLRB's finding on the fourth test, which has to do with compensation. In their judgment, young men playing major football and basketball are not there primarily for an education. They're primarily there to win football games and basketball games and perform well. Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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